Rolankay (Chilean, 1989) - Digital Black (2023)
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Bloom, a public safety monitor at San Francisco City Hall, was on duty an average of 95 hours a week since 2016, and more than 100 hours a week over the last two fiscal years, according to city data. His workload of late leaves roughly 10 hours a day remaining for sleeping, eating and just about anything else not tied to his job as a sheriff’s deputy.
[...]
While every sworn employee at the department is required to work at least two overtime shifts per week, some volunteer for much more, and in some cases, earned as much as four times their base salaries.
In fiscal year 2022, for instance, Bloom’s annual pay was $123,790, but with overtime he took in $530,935, according to a Chronicle review of city records.
Bloom, who has been one of the city’s top three overtime workers every year since 2016, collected more than $2.2 million in overtime pay during that time; by far more than any other city employee. The second- and third-biggest overtime earners were two other sheriff’s office employees, Deputy Sheriff Kristian DeJesus and Senior Deputy Sheriff Michael Borovina Jr., who earned about $1.9 million and $1.8 million in overtime pay since 2016, respectively.
“Probably” anywhere.
I know the meaning of the word “probably” escapes you.
Also San Fran is notoriously an expensive crap hole where an apartment is costing you $3500-$4000 /month. Which means places have to inflate pay so people can actually afford to live (which, funny enough, will cause the inflation to skyrocket even more),
You’re also tacking on additional modifiers like overtime (time and a half) and over 60 (time and a half and a half). So essentially you’re saying he works more and gets paid more. We’re talking about the average cop here, not someone working 100 hours/week. He’s working than all but two people on the payroll here. You’re surprised Pikachu’ing over someone working more to get paid more.
The more you work, the more you’ll be paid. I know that’s a really tough concept for you to grasp and all, but try a little harder buddy.
So to achieve your goal here, you’ve got to go to one of the most expensive (“highly paid”, but not really once you account for inflation) cities in America in one of the most expensive states in the country, you’ve also got to go “but he worked more!”
Your point just doesn’t stand when you account for all of that. It reeks of desperation. If you’re going to make me defend police, at least have a decent point that doesn’t have these gaping holes in it.
I can say a McDonald’s employee is making millions yearly and just link to the CEO or a franchise owner or something if we were using that standard. “Yes, but actually no,” is a thing.
Love watching you spin your wheels while trying to move the goalposts on this 🤣🤣
"Don't make me defend cops" 😡 *proceeds to aggressively defend cops*
I showed you an example and you fall back to "Well I said probably lib!" 😂😂 It just makes YOUR position look super weak, my dude.
Speaking of words and reading comprehension...
See it now? Probably not.
We were never talking about "Average Cops" when talking about overtime pay. The original post said "Some cops," but I understand how reading comprehension can be difficult for people on your side of the IQ spectrum.
We're actually talking about cops abusing people and overtime and draining taxpayer money to sit in a court room and eat donuts for a hundred hours a week, not inflation or the cost of living in Cali...make your own post for that cuz I won't acknowledge it here.
Oh BTW, how's the boot leather taste?
Personally I'd rather see the entire Hollywood movie industry fall apart than the strike fail. Movies won't stop being made, they will just stop being sponsored by worker abuse, and if that means no more millions of dollars worth epics then so be it idc
Smell can provide an olfactory boundary marker […], codes serving to separate
and oppress certain groups of people deemed as threats […]. Often members of the dominant social class or body described
themselves […] (such as upper or middle
class Victorian Britons) as pleasant smelling. In contrast, they
describe subordinate classes (working class and poor) as giving off
offensive odours. […] Class-based and gender-based olfactory stereotypes reinforced ideas
about racial odour. Indeed, such writings hint at broader
nineteenth-century British and European imaginative and medical
geographies about uncertainties and risks associated with smells and the
potential for odours to transform bodies and spaces. At the heart of
European miasmatic medical theorizing was the belief that bad smells
were transformative. Miasmas spread diseases and transformed seemingly
good civilized and healthy European bodies […] through the powers of toxic
stenches. In this way, smells held the seemingly real potential to
permeate and threaten the boundaries (between self/other,
human/environment, and civilized/savage) in multiple ways, which
highlighted scientific knowledge and white anxieties (about the race,
class, and gender).
In eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe and its
colonies, including, from 1840, the British colony of Aotearoa,
processes of olfactory othering took place.
This othering, however, was
not confined to the indigenous people (Maori) and indigenous foodstuffs
but extended to include indigenous landscapes and waterscapes (wetlands)
in which Maori whanau (family), hapu (subtribe), and iwi (tribe) lived,
swam, fished, and harvested resources, and performed cultural
practices.
Indigenous dispossession is often premised on the marginalization and
destruction of specific ecosystems […]. [C]olonial societies sought to define and classify specific
environments (wetlands) and groups of people (indigenous) as undesirable
and inferior based on particular discourses of smell.
This included assumptions about the acuity of the senses, physiological
characteristics (including skin colour), and the subjective
understanding of ‘good’ smells […] and ‘bad’ smells […].
—
Wetlands (also known as bogs, swamps, marshes and peatlands) were often depicted in nineteenth-century European scientific, literary, and government writings as ambiguous and potentially threatening landscapes, both physically and metaphysically. European imaginative geographies rendered wetlands as problematic spaces not simply because of biophysical risks, but also because of what wetlands signified within particular colonizing and modernizing societies.
Since smells are omnipresent and spread out across spaces, they frequently transgress the spatial boundaries imposed by humans to organize and govern spaces in a similar way that wetlands spread out and do not conform to the straight and consistent lines between land and water. […]
—
The smells of wetlands, of decomposing vegetation, of sulphur, were not only off-putting for Pakeha settlers in Aotearoa but, due to their understandings of disease, linked to ill-health and, potentially, death. Soon after the British-led military invasion of the Waikato region in 1863 and the confiscation of 480 000 ha of Maori lands, a litany of complaints began to appear in newspapers about the perceived deficiencies of [land grants] […] The majority of land was ‘either actual swamp or … springy flax flats’, which was frequently rendered impassable from heavy rains.
The ‘great swamp region of the Waikato’ was described as a picture of ‘desolation’ and ‘stagnant water’ where the ‘ground quaked and quivered beneath’ one’s feet, and opened up unexpectedly to suck people down into ‘horrible depths of [the] black, stinking bog’. Commentators declared that settlers were unjustly being forced into a ‘bastard system of farming’ […].
The omnipresent dangers of ‘damp vapour arising’ were deemed ‘highly
prejudicial to residents’ health throughout Aotearoa. In 1875, for
instance, the township of Napier in the Hawke’s Bay (North
Island) experienced an outbreak of a ‘fever’ (incorrectly labelled
malaria) which officials blamed on the ‘noisome emanations from the
swamp’ beside the town.
The ‘tepid swamps’, it was reported, poisoned
the ‘otherwise pure air’
[…].’
The Napier Swamp Nuisance Act enabled local government officials to
‘fill in’ (meaning to drain, establish levees, and build up the soil)
any parcel of land deemed a muddy watery odorous ‘nuisance’ without the
consent of the landowners.
[…]
—
The aerography of Aotearoa could, scientists and politicians suggested, be decontaminated through strategic interventions to remove and remake wetlands […]. Such ideas, which fused medical and socio-economic theories, justified indigenous dispossession and drainage works […]. Pakeha perceptions of wetlands as deeply problematic spaces prompted a range of policies and practices […], including draining the wetlands, introducing exotic plants, and creating pastures and gardens that mimicked those of rural Britain. […] [L]ocal governments […] including in Waikato and Rohe Potae districts, were empowered to establish local drainage boards. The boards […] were given wide-ranging powers […] (even if landowners did not want the work done). […]
Eucalyptus trees, along with other trees from Europe, were widely
planted throughout the Waikato (beside roads and rivers as well as on
farms). Eucalyptus, a Waikato Times journalist wrote in 1876,
were not only aesthetically pleasing but also vital preventive health
tools that were necessary due ‘to the swampy character of much of the
Waikato country’ producing dangerous miasmas. […]
Newspapers instructed that those living in ‘marshy districts or places
infected with animal emanations … should surround their dwellings with
seeds of the most odorous flowers’.
[…]
Doctors continued to blame the higher morbidity and mortality rates amongst Māori in Waikato and Rohe Potae on Maori deficiencies in self-care rather than a consequence of poverty, dispossession, exposure to infectious diseases, and lack of access to basic health services.
—
Text by: Meg Parsons and Karen Fisher. “Historical smellscapes in Aotearoa New Zealand: Intersections between colonial knowledges of smell, race, and wetlands.” Journal of Historical Geography. October 2021. [Bold emphasis and some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me.]
Restaurants stay in business either by having dedicated regulars or by attracting new customers. Large restaurant chains rely on coordinated ad campaigns to create expectations and unified experiences. These are independent of the quality of the food.
If a restaurant survives without clear ways to attract new customers (especially in a manner that might repulse customers such as lacking extras or aesthetics) then it is evidence that the food itself must be the reason the restaurant survives. This is not a guarantee, but if combined with good reviews, one can take this as a good sign of quality.
These kinds of restaurants are common in cities, but aren't easy for tourists to find.
The other option is that the restaurant is for money laundering.
strange, weird media made by neurodivergent people with unconventional formatting and storytelling methods delivered in a way that is almost unintelligible but in a cool way is worth more to me than any marvel movie could ever hope to be. if you disagree with this no you dont
we need more people making content that is absurd and awesome and unreal and fucky ok. we need more people making content that could never appeal to a ‘mainstream audience’ not for anything controversial in the work itself but because of how fucking nuts it is and having that content revel in it. we need more pieces of media that feels like you’re going into a different dimension but not in an immersive worldbuilding way you’re just like sitting there looking at it saying Oh my god how does this person even think. and not in a cringe psychology psychoanalyzing way but you’re just wondering how someone did this. we need more content that is just like a complete unfiltered vision put out by more people who don’t care about how others perceive it and just having it be unabashedly cool. we need more stories conveyed through obtuse ways and most of all we need disney to go bankrupt. do whatever you want Because the internet will let you
Reblog to make him lose another 200 billion, like to make him lose 1 billion
for the people doomblogging in the notes:
this isn't a "drop in the ocean fine" situation, 200 bil is already over half of his fortune lost... and he's not even done losing money yet! he's got a ton of lawsuits left to go through, owes Google money for trying to rent-dodge, destroyed Twitter's remaining brand value by rebranding to X, is playing lawsuit chicken with Microsoft as a direct result, and will have to pay off Twitter's debt... and shows no signs of even pausing to consider the stupidity of his decisions, especially as he's already plotting out loud to make a paypal alternative that breaks multiple international laws.
whatever he has left is nowhere near enough to cover the debt he's currently in and unless he somehow gets it forgiven or magically earns more than he's losing, there's a countdown over his head running down until the IRS personally comes after him.
unless his last remaining braincell wakes up and he hits the brakes, we might actually see someone speedrun going from richest man in the world straight to poverty, and you better believe i wanna see that :D
GO FOR THE FINISH LINE, MUSKY BOY!
~Blue
The SAWP is a temporary labour program that brings foreign workers to Canada for periods between six weeks and eight months annually [...], paving the way for the recruitment of Jamaican workers as well as workers from other Caribbean countries like Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados [beginning] in 1968. [...] The SAWP has been a resounding success for Canadian growers because offshore indentured workers enable agribusiness to expand and secure large profits. Being indentured means that migrant farm workers are bound to specific employers by contractual agreements [...]. First, they are legally prevented from unionizing. [...] Additionally, because they are bound to specific employers, they must ensure that the employer is happy with them [...]. For instance, migrant farm workers are forced to agree to growers’ requests for long working hours, labour through the weekend, suppress complaints and avoid conflicts, if they want to stay out of “trouble” [...]. In “Canada’s Creeping Economic Apartheid”, Grace Galabuzi shows that the Canadian Government’s immigration policy is, in reality, a labour market immigration policy [...].
[Text by: Julie Ann McCausland. "Racial Capitalism, Slavery, Labour Regimes and Exploitation in the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program". Caribbean Quilt Volume 5. 2020. Paragraph contractions added by me.]
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A big finding that came out of the oral history interviews was a much richer tapestry of worker protest than has previously been documented. Speaking with workers – including former workers back in their home countries of Jamaica and Barbados – allowed me to hear the types of stories that often don’t make it into archives or newspapers. Interviewees told me stories about wildcat strikes, about negotiating conditions with employers, and also about protesting their home governments’ role in organizing the migrant labour program. [...] [T]hings did not have to be this way; our current world was anything but inevitable. [...] [But] economic forces transformed tobacco farming (and agriculture writ large), [...] leaving mega-operations in their wake. [...] [L]arge operations could afford [...] bringing in foreign guestworkers. The attraction of foreign workers was not due to labour shortages, but instead in their much higher degree of exploitability, given the strict nature of their contracts and the economic compulsion under which they pursued overseas migrant labour. [...] Ontario’s tobacco belt (located in between Hamilton and London, on the north shore of Lake Erie), was from the 1920s to 1980s one the most profitable sectors in Canadian agriculture and the epicentre of migrant labour in the country [...]. In most years, upwards of 25,000 workers were needed to bring in the crop. [...]
[The words of Edward Dunsworth. Text is a transcript of Dunsworth's responses in an interview conducted and transcribed by Andria Caputo. 'Faculty Publication Spotlight: Ed Dunsworth's "Harvesting Labour"'. Published online at McGill Faculty of Arts. 15 December 2022. At: mcgill.ca/arts/article/faculty-publication-spotlight-ed-dunsworths-harvesting-labour. Some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me.]
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Jamaican agricultural workers say they face conditions akin to “systematic slavery” on Canadian farms, as they call on Jamaica to address systemic problems in a decades-old, migrant labour programme in Canada. In a letter sent to Jamaica’s minister of labour and social security earlier this month [August 2022], workers [...] said they have been “treated like mules” on two farms in Ontario, Canada’s most populous province. [...] The workers [...] are employed under [...] (SAWP), which allows Canadian employers to hire temporary migrant workers from Mexico and 11 countries in the Caribbean [...]. “We work for eight months on minimum wage and can’t survive for the four months back home. The SAWP is exploitation at a seismic level. Employers treat us like we don’t have any feelings, like we’re not human beings. We are robots to them. They don’t care about us.” Between 50,000 and 60,000 foreign agricultural labourers come to Canada each year on temporary permits [...]. Canada exported more than $63.3bn ($82.2bn Canadian) in agriculture and food products in 2021 – making it the fifth-largest exporter of agri-food in the world. [...]
[Text by: Jillian Kestler-D'Amours. "Jamaican farmworkers decry ‘seismic-level exploitation’ in Canada". Al Jazeera (English). 24 August 2022.]
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In my home country, St. Lucia, we believe in a fair day’s pay [...]. In Canada, we give more than a fair day’s work, but we do not get a fair day’s pay. [...] I worked in a greenhouse in [...] Ontario, growing and harvesting tomatoes and organic sweet peppers for eight months of the year, from 2012 to 2015. [...] In the bunkhouse where I lived, there were typically eight workers per room. Newly constructed bunkhouses typically have up to fourteen people per room. [...] I also received calls from workers (especially Jamaicans) who were either forbidden – or strongly discouraged – from leaving the farm property. This outrageous overreach of employer control meant that workers had difficulty sending money home, or buying necessary items [...]. [O]n a lot of farms, [...] workers’ movement and activity is policed by their employers. The government knows about this yet fails to act.
[Text are the words of Gabriel Allahdua. Text from a transcript of an interview conducted by Edward Dunworth. '“Canada’s Dirty Secret”: An Interview with Gabriel Allahdua about migrant farm workers’ pandemic experience'. Published by Syndemic Magazine, Issue 2: Labour in a Treacherous Time. 8 March 2022. Some paragraph contractions added by me.]
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The CSAWP is structured in such a way as to exclude racialized working class others from citizen-track entry into the country while demarcating them to a non-immigrant status as temporary, foreign and unfree labourers. The CSAWP is [...] a relic of Canada’s racist and colonial past, one that continues unimpeded in the present age [...]. [T]he Canadian state has offered a concession to the agricultural economic sector in the way of an ambiguous legal entity through which foreign agricultural workers are legally disenfranchised and legally denied citizenship rights.
[Text by: Adam Perry. "Barely legal: Racism and migrant farm labour in the context of Canadian multiculturalism". Citizenship Studies, 16:2, 189-201. 2012.]
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Other publications:
Smith. 'Troubling “project Canada”: the Caribbean and the making of “unfree migrant labour”’. Canadian Journal of Latin American Studies Volume 40, number 2. 2015.
Choudry and Thomas. "Labour struggles for workplace justice: migrant and immigrant worker organizing in Canada". Journal of Industrial Relations Volume 55, number 2. 2013.
Harsha Walia. "Transient servitude: migrant labour in Canada and the apartheid of citizenship". Race & Class 52, number 1. 2010.
Beckford. "The experiences of Caribbean migrant farmworkers in Ontario, Canada". Social and Economic Studies Volume 65, number 1. 2016.
Edward Dunsworth. Harvesting Labour: Tobacco and the Global Making of Canada’s Agricultural Workforce (2022).
Edward Dunsworth. “‘Me a free man’: resistance and racialisation in the Canada-Caribbean Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program,” Oral History Volume 49, number 1. Spring 2021.